The allegedly damaged portion of the gas pipeline to Artsakh remains under Azerbaijani control. In addition, according to Ina McCabe’s Orientalism in Early Modern France, many of Europe’s first cafés were founded by these Djulfa (Julfan) merchants in the seventeenth century - contributing to a culture that, as Adam Gopnik writes in The New Yorker’s last issue of 2018, "helped lay the foundation for the liberal Enlightenment." Save for appropriated Armenian folklore linking the region to the Biblical Noah, whose ark was said to have landed on nearby Mount Ararat, Nakhichevan’s Armenian past has all but been erased. Each new argument of the anti-Armenian revisionism, writes Schnirelmann, "inflamed the imagination of the Azerbaijani authors." In 1975, for instance, a Soviet Azerbaijani construction project demolished the ancient Holy Trinity church, the site of Arab invaders’ mass burning of Armenian noblemen in 705 CE. The allegedly damaged portion of the gas pipeline to Artsakh remains under Azerbaijani control. By cutting off the gas pipeline to the population of Artsakh, firing at residents frequently, and still illegally holding Armenian prisoners of war in its jails, the Azerbaijani government appears to aim to ethnically cleanse the region of indigenous Armenians by destroying their peaceful life and violently forcing them to flee their ancestral lands. According to an Azerbaijani historian, who requested anonymity, many among modern Nakhichevan’s almost half-million population (virtually all of whom are Muslim), are devastated by the recent disappearance of the area’s Christian heritage. Leaving Azerbaijan was necessary, Nagorno-Karabakh’s majority-Armenian population claimed, to preserve the region’s indigenous Christian past and to avoid the fate of Nakhichevan’s vanished Armenians. Outside observers have typically interpreted the Aliyev regime’s erasure of Nakhichevan’s Armenian Christian heritage solely as a vengeful legacy of the bloody Nagorno-Karabakh war, but Armenian scholars and Azerbaijani dissidents have several additional theories of their own

A great number of khachkars, the majority of which date from the 15th to 16th centuries, were destroyed in 1903-04 during the construction of a railway, and by the early 1970s only 2,707 were recorded. But at least some of the toppled headstones of Djulfa, which he had seen from his window during a train ride, were still there. Azerbaijan’s president proteststhat "all of our mosques in occupied Azerbaijani lands have been destroyed." A visitor to Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh (also called Artsakh in Armenian) would observe otherwise: there are mosques, albeit nonoperational, including one in the devastated "buffer zone" ghost town Agdam. According to an Azerbaijani historian, who requested anonymity, many among modern Nakhichevan’s almost half-million population (virtually all of whom are Muslim), are devastated by the recent disappearance of the area’s Christian heritage. • On March 4, Azerbaijani armed forces opened fire at the village of Norshen

Yet a tourist in Nakhichevan, which was not a war zone, would encounter neither Armenian heritage sites nor public acknowledgment of the region’s far-reaching Armenian roots, including the medieval global trade networks launched by Djulfa’s innovative merchants. Such a shift likely occurred in response to the rebellious cultural awakening in Armenia, which, as Armenian-American scholar Pietro Shakarian argues, was among the first Soviet republics to experience the "Thaw" and de-Stalinization. By the late 1980s when the Soviet Union crumbled, less than 4,000 Armenians remained in Nakhichevan-so few that the exclave avoided the ethnic warfare that exploded in Karabakh where a larger Armenian population remained under the administration of Muslim Azerbaijan. Baroness Cox, a long-standing campaigner for the protection of Armenian heritage in Azerbaijan who has urged the British government to take action, told The Art Newspaper that, despite the influential Armenian Diaspora, both the US and UK administrations are more concerned with cultivating close relations with oil-rich Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey, than with Armenia. Unable to hold Azerbaijan accountable for the purge of Nakhichevan’s Armenian cultural heritage, Armenians and their allies have rethought what forms justice might take. "I’m telling you to take up your guns and kill them," he said in recorded sermons, adding, "If the sword is not used, then this is not Islam." According to Mullah Muhammed, all Muslims were obligated to respond to then-al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden’s armed fight

According to witnesses, as quoted in Armenian reports, in a three-day operation last December, Azerbaijani soldiers armed with sledgehammers obliterated the remnants of the Djulfa cemetery (known as Jugha in Armenian). He works closely with the Turkish Embassy in Baku. He set up the Union of Muslim Students (Müslüman Talebeler Birliği) and had served as the Caucasus representative of Turkish political Islam grassroots organization Milli Görüş (National View). While some Azerbaijanis have embraced their government’s vandalism as either righteous revenge or a national security measure against potential Armenian territorial claims, other Azerbaijanis - in addition to the humanist author Akram Aylisli - have mourned the destruction. But a newly released book reveals that Aylisli first protested the destruction in Nakhichevan nearly a decade earlier. The ambassador had intended to probe the reported destruction of thousands of historical Medieval Christian Armenian artworks and objects at the necropolis of Djulfa in Nakhichevan. Despite ample testimony to the contrary, Azerbaijan claims that Nakhichevan was never Armenian. However, for 11 days, Azerbaijan did not allow the problem to be assessed and repaired. Büyükfırat kept the phone conversation cryptic and said he was involved in "major stuff that is important." Mullah Muhammed prayed for him and added that "Allah will clear your path." During police questioning, Mullah Muhammed denied knowing Büyükfırat, although Büyükfırat admitted he knew him well and described him as a close family cleric

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